By José (Papo) Coss on December 21, 2021
Protest in US against corruption in Puerto Rico, photo: Bill Hackwell
When two decades ago, U.S. Attorney Guillermo Gil, of the U.S. court imposed on Puerto Rico, said that “public corruption responded to the name and surname of the NPP (New Progressive Party),” I wrote that the PDP (Popular Democratic Party) was also part of the political looting.
At that historical moment, in the late 1990s and early 2000s, more than forty (40) public servants had been criminally prosecuted for corruption. All of them were part of the nefarious annexationist government of Pedro Roselló González (1992-2000).
At that time, the number of mayors tried and convicted was still in an incipient phase. Twenty years later, there were already more than 400 people convicted of corruption in the federal sphere alone. All identified as activists of both PPD-PNP collectivities, according to statistics publicly offered by President Donald Trump, the master of corporate corruption in the USA.
With these hundreds of convictions, it is more than evident that we are dealing with a culture of corruption closely linked to the privatization of public services. Big businessmen from both parties have been behind the curtain. Therefore, it is important that neoliberal political investors and private businessmen be held accountable.
Undoubtedly, this absence of ethical and moral principles is already enthroned in the highest spheres and leadership structures of both annexationist and colonialist collectivities. From Luis Ferre (1968-1972), to Hernández Colón (1972-1976), and the others who have used party politics for juicy personal benefits and those of their neo liberal soul friends.
In fact, highly respected economists have estimated the money lost through political corruption at more than a billion a year. The worst thing is that as part of the convictions, the culprits have not been forced to return to the public treasury all that has been stolen. This reality only stimulates corruption.
As proof of this phenomenon, which is already approaching half a century of political cheating and plundering, dozens of legislators and high-level public officials, very close to several NPP-PPD governors, have also been indicted and convicted.
So far, only Aníbal Acevedo Vilá (PDP) was taken to federal court by an NPP activist prosecutor and the cases were dismissed.
I insist that the origin of this degrading process and against the trust deposited by the people, can be traced to the administrations of Luis Ferre and Hernandez Colon. The first, using his economic power to bring big businessmen to support his party and his annexationist government.
The second, by creating the first political club of businessmen in support of a colonial political party organization (PPD).
For all of the above, I think that the last governor who maintained honesty and governmental ethics as a principle of his administration was Roberto Sánchez Vilella from 1964 to 1968.
After that, the disease of corruption grew exponentially in both parties, through large private businessmen who began to subsidize electoral campaigns on a large scale.
For the NPP, those economic sectors linked to the lucrative cement business and for the PDP, to the sphere of public construction, historically stand out. Other intermediaries of foreign capital from the USA also joined the partisan corruption. The method has always started with electoral financial backing, with the promise of being rewarded later.
These white-collar criminals used to dedicate themselves, as they do today, to illegal cash payments to public officials, especially in mayoral campaigns.
Hence, there are now twenty-three (23) mayors of both parties convicted of corruption in the last three decades. Curiously, the fight for the championship of incarcerated mayors remains very even and could level out soon, with the accusations against the PDP mayor of Mayagüez.
Finally, an essential factor that promotes the culture of NPP-PPD corruption is the impunity that prevails due to the irresponsible inaction of the Department of Justice and the Special Prosecutor’s Office (SIP).
Both instances reflect a policy of dragging their feet and turning a blind eye. This also applies to both colonialist institutions, since their respective directors always respond to partisan interests and not to defend the people of Puerto Rico.
Source: Telesur, translation Resumen Latinoamericano – English