By Alejandra Garcia on January 14, 2024
Freedom for President Castillo
Peru’s political life has always been intense, but rarely has it been as turbulent as in recent years. This Friday, the Peruvian Public Prosecutor’s Office requested a prison sentence of 34 years for former President Pedro Castillo for the alleged crimes of rebellion, abuse of authority, and serious disturbance of public tranquility. Meanwhile, Castillo’s former vice president and usurper Dina Boluarte – the sixth person to occupy the head of state since 2018 – admitted that the country lives as the most fragile democracy in Latin America.
But what are the roots of the Peruvian crisis? What are the implications of such a possible sanction for a former president, especially for a former president like Castillo, who came to office to vindicate the power of the poorest sectors of society?
Castillo, elected in 2012, was the country’s first poor president and the first with no ties to the elites. Once he took up the presidency, the leftist leader was involved in a power struggle with the opposition-led Congress and was accused by the attorney general of leading a criminal organization involving his family and allies that handed out public contracts for money.
More than a year after the arrest of the politician, and former elementary school teacher democratically elected at the polls, the political and social crisis continues to dominate the Peruvian landscape. Dina Boluarte, sworn in as president by Congress to complete the current government term until 2026, fails to ensure stability in Peruvian territory. Let’s remember that she is responsible for the death of some 60 demonstrators in the protests that followed Castillo’s imprisonment on December 7, 2022.
To date, not a single person responsible for these deaths has been brought to trial. The victims were mainly young women and men who took to the streets to defend democracy and demand the resignation of the new interim president, Dina Boluarte, the closing of Congress, and changes to the Constitution.
Today, the Prosecutor’s Office demands 34 years in prison for Castillo for “crimes of rebellion, abuse of authority and serious disturbance of public peace,” as it disclosed on its X account. Likewise, the Prosecutor’s Office requested 25 years in prison against former ministers Betssy Chavez Chino, Roberto Sánchez, and Willy Huerta and 15 years for former Chief of Staff Aníbal Torres. But is this witch hunt valid in any way?
Before his removal in December 2022, the labor leader attempted to temporarily dissolve Congress to “reestablish the rule of law and democracy” in the country. However, from day one, the opposition -which put all kinds of obstacles in the way of Castillo’s government – said the decision went against Peru’s constitution. During a vote, Congress removed him from the country’s top position. Since then, Castillo has argued that he was the victim of a political conspiracy between the right-wing opposition and the attorney general. “I never took up arms,” he has told since his arrest.
There are growing concerns about the political crisis in the Andean country, even from the Vatican. Last week, Pope Francis said: “I am thinking of the many political crises in various regional countries, with their burden of tensions and forms of violence that exacerbate social conflicts. I am thinking especially of Peru. The weakening of democracy is a worrying phenomenon.”
At the moment, Castillo is facing 18 months of pre-trial detention in the Barbadillo prison in Ate District. Likewise, Chavez Chino is serving 18 months of pre-trial detention in the women’s annex penitentiary in Chorrillos.
The deep crisis in Peru has had a high social and human cost. Since 2016, it has been living in political and social instability, and, in six years, six presidents have succeeded each other, who have failed to move the country forward. A strong confrontation between the executive and legislative branches persists, while analysts point out that the recurrent changes in the country’s presidency reveals alarming political fragmentation.
“In recent years we have seen how many presidents and the Congresses with which they had to coexist are permanently struggling. The Congress has the mechanism of vacancy and the president has the mechanism of closing the Congress. This makes the governability of the country very difficult. Hopes for a future of stability and peace in the country are lost,” journalist Guillermo Olmo concluded in an article published in the BBC.
Source: Resumen Latinoamericano – English