By José Ramón Cabañas Rodríguez on July 23, 2025

photo: Saul Loeb / AFP
When taken week by week, even day by day, the sequence of events that occur or are publicized under Donald Trump’s administration gives the impression that some events are taking place or are being fictitiously created to obscure previous events or those occurring in parallel.
Like explosions in the valves of an engine, grotesque actions against immigrants, real or alleged trade wars, support for genocide in Gaza, war or peace in Ukraine, attacks on Iran, confrontation with the advance of the PRC, staff cuts in federal agencies, the rapprochement or rejection of Elon Musk, and blackmail against multilateral friends and enemies. In short, the list is endless.
In recent days, the latest episodes of the series on the Epstein Files have been broadcast, attempting to recreate as news what is already a certainty: the high levels of corruption among important figures, past and present, in the main US power groups. To rival this in viewer preference, a plot has been woven around the alleged or real politicization of the intelligence services under the Barack Obama administration, something that is a kind of a remake, because primary information from security agencies has always been used for external or internal political purposes.
Behind all these smokescreens, the soap opera of the Big and Beautiful Bill (BBB) passed almost without pain or glory, despite being a priority issue for all Americans because of the potential impact it could have on their lives, their pockets, and their future. The issue did not go completely unnoticed, but it can be said that few immediately understood the real significance of the event. And it’s not their fault.
US budget laws and the debate surrounding them have always been the hunting ground of a small number of target shooters, despite attempts to show otherwise. It is an extremely technical subject, and those involved make it even less accessible to the majority through the use of language, concepts, and a multitude of tables and graphs that are indigestible to the average reader. The texts are full of loopholes that are only available to the most seasoned experts.
BBB consists of 940 pages and, rather than reflecting agreed policies to address the country’s main needs, it is a huge patchwork quilt, a sum of privileges and attacks on those who have no way of defending themselves. But none of this is new. What is historic in this case is the magnitude of the irreparable imbalance that BBB will create between the country’s economic and social sectors.
Despite the importance of any budget law for the federal government, states, cities, and communities in the United States, the process of discussing it in the United States is not guided by the creation of alliances to establish priorities. Every year, senators and congressmen fight to secure the priorities that ensure their infinite re-election or their survival in the party hierarchy, regardless of what is said in the rest of the voluminous text.
It can be said without a margin of error that almost all of the 535 federal legislators do not study the text in its entirety, that items that did not receive any approval in committees or subcommittees are often included, and that even after the final Frankenstein bill is approved, new additions or amendments are still made by a small group of staffers who are more knowledgeable about the subject or closer to the decision-making process.
So, what is distinctive about the latest exercise? The first thing to remember is that it complements a task that was not completed during Donald Trump’s first term.
Throughout 2017, the president prioritized the passage of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA), which was actually intended to be a comprehensive reform of the country’s tax system, which had not undergone radical changes since 1986 under Ronald Reagan’s administration. Trump then disguised his “garage sale” as a “Christmas gift” for American workers, as it was finally approved in the second half of December of that year.
This monstrosity was Trump’s first attempt to significantly reduce taxes on the highest income bracket and favor the least efficient economic sectors with large tax savings. In general, corporations would pay only 21% of their profits to the state, compared to the previous 35%. At the individual level, the reductions in personal contributions for billionaires were much greater than for low-income segments.
As this dramatic effort was led by a Republican party that was then riddled by internal dissent, it was unlikely that it would secure the 60 votes needed in the Senate if some senators decided to resort to filibustering (endless speeches to delay voting).
To ensure the white-collar theft, the text used the term “budget reconciliation” as a cover, which allowed for approval by a simple majority in both chambers. This path also had the difficulty that it could force an increase in public debt (imbalance between revenue and expenditure) for only a limited period of time (called the Byrd Rule). In one year, the deficit would increase by $1.4 billion, while over 10 years it would possibly reach $20 billion.
If the changes were to be made permanent, the caciques disguised as Republicans would have to organize a new attack on the state coffers by 2025.
With stealth, escalation, and malice aforethought, Trump’s troops achieved a 51-48 vote in the Senate in 2017 (John McCain was on his deathbed) and 227-203 in the House, where 12 Republicans committed the sin of defying the leadership.
When those results were announced, several observers said that Trump could now leave office and go home, as he had achieved his ultimate goal. Perhaps many of them based their opinion on a report in The New York Times on October 31, 2016, which indicated that part of his personal fortune was due to frequent tax evasion, which would have totaled $900 million over 18 years. The same newspaper would return to the subject on October 2, 2018, and September 27, 2020, just before the midterm elections and the presidential elections won by Joe Biden.
But it turned out that everyone missed his voracious appetite for taking wealth redistribution to another level, based on those who have the most resources and squander them the most.
When Trump presented his State of the Union address to Congress in 2018, standing behind him, presiding over the session, were then-Vice President Mike Pence and then-Speaker of the House Paul Ryan. The latter decided in April 2018 not to run for re-election to avoid constant friction with the great MAGA (Make America Great Again) leader, while the former chose not to support him in his coup attempt on January 6, 2021. Both were representatives of the so-called Republican establishment, who had their own list of sins but did not fully agree with Trump’s “anything goes” interpretation.
The scenario for 2025 would be totally different, with Trump having a vice president who would only serve as an echo of his exploits and having imposed a gray congressman with no major legislative attributes or tangible results in terms of passing legislation in the elections for House leader. The mandate of both would simply be to carry out the agenda dictated to them. Party discipline would also be different, with no dissent allowed and names such as Bob Corker, Jeff Flake, Peter King, and Dan Donovan a thing of the distant past.
Experts have found it difficult to determine the exact impact of the 2017 changes on real economic growth and investment. Some point to distortions in capital flows caused by the COVID-19 pandemic as an obstacle to this. However, the figures that leave no room for doubt are that the income of the so-called lower class grew by only $60 per year, while for the so-called middle class the benefit was $930, and for the top 1% the average benefit was $51,140 per year.
For some, this would have been enough, but Trumpism aspired to much more. In 2017, there had been no significant reduction in the budget for important social programs that were still considered “unproductive” and that, in theory, did not directly contribute to the efficiency, productivity, or innovation of the national economy.
This time, Trump and his followers picked up the pace and, rather than a Christmas gift, they brought forward the date to an honorable National Day on July 4. The BBB was initially approved in the House of Representatives on May 22 by a very narrow margin of 215 to 214, endorsed with amendments by the Senate by a vote of 51 to 50 (with the vice president casting the deciding vote), and returned to the lower house for ratification by a vote of 218 to 214 on July 3. All this took place amid night and early morning sessions called on short notice.
On May 22, Americans were distracted by news such as:
On July 3, something similar happened, when the headlines were:
Logically, these headlines were also shared with the steps of the BBB’s approval, without sufficient evidence being provided on the likely impact of the bill on each and every American.
Amid so many other distractions, many Americans missed what the Great and Beautiful would mean:
These were the key points covered by the mainstream media, which were alarming enough. Only trade unions, professional associations, and other interest groups were able to warn early on that BBB also meant:
Several research centers are still trying to delve deeper into the effects of the so-called BBB, although the most profound consequences will take time to become known, as they are definitions that only emerge when certain aspects of the law are challenged in court and the courts rule on them.
In short, this legislative package is clearly large, but only attractive to those who reap the benefits, which are limited to a tiny minority. Although Trump and his loyal followers have tried to sell the product as a benefit for the entire nation, survey results show that the majority of Americans believe the opposite.
In June, a CBS/NewGov poll indicated that 54% believed the new legislation would affect lower-income people, 47% believed it would have negative effects on the middle class, and 60% believed that those with higher incomes would benefit the most.
At the end of the same month, a Quinnipiac study found that 55% of the sample opposed the approved text, 29% supported it, and 20% did not offer an opinion.
CNN reported in mid-July that 60% of Americans already opposed the provisions of the BBB, an increase of 11% over a similar poll conducted in March 2025.
Despite this rejection, the law is now a reality. What seemed like an abominable outcome for 2017 is even worse in the longer term, from 2025 onwards. Trump returned with goals to achieve, but none of them related to bringing the United States back to what could be considered a golden age or era of splendor. The MAGA slogan is as fake as the cap it is written on, made in the PRC.
There is no room for everyone on the Republican Noah’s Ark; only those who can afford to pay the price will be allowed to board.
José Ramón Cabañas Rodríguez is Director of the International Policy Research Center (CIPI) in Havana, Cuba.
Source: Resumen Latinoamericano – English