By Gustavo Espinoza M. on April 6, 2026

foto: Getty
With just a few days to go before April 12, and as the “engines begin to rev up” for the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections, two clear and distinct messages are clearly visible on the political scene.
From the grassroots, a sense of concern is emerging about what is to come. Ordinary Peruvians view the actions of the “political class” with distrust and prefer to distance themselves entirely. They believe that the hope of having an efficient and honest government seems light-years away from what is happening today; and, for that reason, they even express skepticism about the upcoming election itself.
Many believe that the election will not serve to effectively address the country’s problems and that, regardless of which government emerges from the polls, things will remain exactly as they are.
There are those, however, who harbor a faint hope, the illusion that something might change if the polls yield a positive result—that is, if the vote turns its back on the mafia that is eating away at the very foundations of Peruvian society.
The public knows that this would not only be possible but also natural, because that is the mood that flows every day in the towns and villages of our country. The recent “welcome” given to López Aliaga by the people of Puno and surrounding areas confirms this.
The fact is that, since mistrust runs deep, there is a fear that even the electoral bodies have been infiltrated by the mafia, which has long been seizing control of the levers of that machinery wherever possible. And their is no real progressive alternative participating.
Since invalid and spoiled ballots are now counted and added to the tally in favor of the “top candidates,” there is a doubt that this time they will be added to those of Keiko Fujimori and López Aliaga to make them “finalists” in pursuit of a second round that is certainly rigged.
In reality, this is a good warning that could encourage everyone to go out and vote—and to do so correctly—since the ballot is so convoluted that many people may mark their preferences incorrectly, resulting in their votes being counted as invalid or spoiled and added to the tally as mentioned.
We must overcome this possibility. We must choose among the candidates who represent some trend within the popular camp, even if they do not meet all our expectations, but do meet certain requirements that make them fundamentally acceptable.
In other words, we must support whoever embodies a patriotic, popular, and democratic a program, striving—through the ongoing social struggle—to advance it so that it takes on the challenges of our time and fulfills the most pressing tasks.
The other message, championed by the ruling class, flows with hate speech.
It maintains that the country does not need democracy, but “order”; that what must be done is not to govern, but to “impose”; for just as it was falsely claimed in the past –“the country has fallen into the hands of terrorism”– it is now asserted that “crime” is unbeatable, because they themselves tolerated and enabled it from within the legislature. Cynically, they call themselves “the force of order.”
They do not propose programs to combat underdevelopment, poverty, or discrimination, nor do they advocate for environmental protection, the fight for education, healthcare, or workers’ rights. No.
Their program boils down to this: we must build prisons. We must institute the death penalty, make life imprisonment the norm, conduct summary trials, rely on faceless judges, and deprive prisoners of food, clothing, and visits. In other words, to make their lives impossible. And, so that no one complains, to withdraw from the international organizations that protect human rights.
Its main figures—Keiko and López Aliaga—encouraged by bogus polls, proclaim themselves “winners” of the first round and seek to align themselves even more closely. And the fact is, they share interests, but also methods of action.
When Keiko is asked what she detests, she quickly replies, “the Left.” For her she means the workers and the people, progressive thought and struggle, the will for progress, and the defense of social gains. That is what she detests. She doesn’t even realize that this is precisely why they detest her. Even her brother Kenyi is asking people not to vote for her.
López Aliaga, for his part, claims he seeks to teach what he has learned. And what he has learned is very simple: to conjugate the verb “to kill” in all its tenses. That is how he wanted to kill Pedro Castillo and Cerrón in 2021. Then, Gustavo Gorriti. Next, Páez, the journalist from La República. And now Croveto, the longest-serving election official. But he also likes to use the verb en masse. At one point, he wanted them to send the dollar into orbit, so that the poor would starve to death. Do you remember?
He was recently kicked out of Ayacucho and Puno. He also encountered serious resistance in Apurímac. That is why, addressing the residents who did not share his views, he called them “shitty people.” And then he threatened them, saying he has their faces on video and their identities on record with the help of the police, and he will make them “pay” for what they have done to him. Is this how he plans to govern the Peruvian people? Does anyone believe that someone who cannot enter cities in Peru—because the people there don’t even want to see him—could be elected president?
That is why it is said, not without reason, that when personality disorders mix with alcohol, the symptoms of dementia become evident. These are, then, expressions of madness incompatible with governance. A psychiatric evaluation should have been required of the candidates to avoid this danger.
Objectively speaking, in the central highlands, the foothills of the Cordillera, and the southern Andes—that is to say, a large part of the national territory—Keiko and López Aliaga have faced widespread rejection from the population. They called those killed during the recent protests “terrorists,” and repeated the same thing when referring to the relatives of the victims of Dina Boluarte’s murderous policies. What did they expect?
And in Lima and other cities, their rallies have been sparse and poorly attended. That is why their courtiers have had to perform somersaults to “present” them as fundamentally “successful.”
Hate speech—the kind they use on a daily basis when referring to the national scene and addressing the population—simply offers no future.
Source: Cuba en Resumen