By Pablo Solana on September 21, 2026
Anger, Photo: Enfoque Rojo – La Izquierda Diario
“Defeating Milei” is the goal set by the left, and to that end, it organized the “The March of Anger” across the country. Analysis of a bet on mobilization one year before the next presidential elections
1. The Left demonstrated its social clout in the streets
The march was massive in Buenos Aires and very significant in a dozen other cities, such as Neuquén, Rosario, Mendoza, Mar del Plata, and La Plata. The march that reached Plaza de Mayo included shop steward committees from various unions, artistic collectives, retiree groups, and “individuals,” whose numbers far exceeded those of the political parties.
Myriam Bregman is currently enjoying a surge in popularity; she has the highest positive approval rating among politicians; however, this was not a march in support of her personally. Within the Left and Workers’ Front—Unity (FIT-U), the four constituent parties have their differences, which have become more pronounced recently; nevertheless, all of them mobilized, each with its own profile and organizational structure. The PTS—“Myriam Bregman’s party,” as its activists often introduce themselves in the neighborhoods—did not place special emphasis on her during the march, but rather on the political proposal through which they hope to build on the current wave of popular support: the committees “for a party of the new working class.”
Overall, what was evident was a significant ability to mobilize in an era when large demonstrations organized by political parties are rare.
Photo: Enfoque Rojo – La Izquierda Diario
2. It was a political march, centered on Plaza de Mayo
There weren’t many of this nature during Milei’s three years in office: those on March 24, and several other sector-specific ones (for the universities, in support of retirees or the Garrahan Hospital, against the Land Law, etc.). That is why it is a wise move to call for a march “against the government” without it necessarily being a defensive struggle, without waiting for an attack. Nor have marches to Plaza de Mayo been common in recent years; Congress has monopolized the spotlight of protests over the legislative agenda, but we know that, when it comes time to strike where it hurts the most, our strength and the momentum of the struggle must be directed toward the historic Plaza.
3. The focus is spot-on: anger drives people to take to the streets and organize
“Anger rising from the grassroots,” “the anger of those of us who work and can’t make ends meet”—these were the words heard from the stage. Added to these simple expressions is the inevitable reference to the historic protest song, recently reimagined by the Quinteto Negro La Boca, used as a promotional video and played on the main stage after the document was read. “Organizing the anger” is the idea that lingers: the task at hand.
Foto: Edgardo Gómez – Tiempo Argentino
4. The march gave prominence to organizations rather than to political parties and leaders
It is undeniable that the marches aimed to raise the profile of the left, to showcase it as a political force capable of mobilizing massive crowds, and to consolidate among mobilized activists the positive image indicated by various polls and surveys. Party leaders headed the march, alongside a diverse array of figures from the worlds of culture and human rights. However, the march was organized with a sound approach to the placement of the mobilized social and political forces: first, human rights organizations, retirees, artists, and various social collectives; second, labor unions; and finally, the party contingents. This was a lesson learned from the annual March 24 rallies, well applied.
5. The document proposed clear definitions for the struggle
Agreed upon by various parties and collectives, the document outlined the left’s proposals without going overboard, emphasizing the call to take to the streets (“For the support, unity, and victory of all struggles!”), taking up causes such as the Malvinas (“No joint military bases with the United States. “British out of the Falklands. Yankees out of Latin America”) and Venezuelan and Cuban sovereignty (“We denounce the military incursion into Venezuela, the kidnapping of its president, and the plundering of oil and mining resources. Also, the intensification of the brutal economic blockade against Cuba”). While PTS leaders had been doing this, it is a new development that the FIT-U as a whole has endorsed it; it is well known that other parties hold less “Latin Americanist” positions, so to speak.
Source: Resistencias, translation Resumen Latinoamericano – US